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Natakar je nemškemu kanclerju prelil 5 piv

Natakar je nemškemu kanclerju prelil 5 piv


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To je bila nesreča, pravi

Oh človek, ne bi hoteli biti ta natakar. Nemško kanclerko Angelo Merkel so v krščansko -demokratski uniji Demmin oprhali s pivom, potem ko je natakar pomotoma prevrnil njegov pladenj.

21-letni natakar je bil menda porinil od zadaj in prelil pet piv po hrbtu Merklove. "[Poskušal sem ujeti pivo, vendar je bilo prepozno. Vpil sem 'S ***!' res glasno, "je dejal.

Zdi se, da se je Merklova odzvala precej dobro. "Obrnila se je, se mi nasmehnila - in čeprav je bila mokra, je kmalu zatem odšla na govorniški oder," je dejal natakar.
Ni slabo; veliko bolje kot Reakcija Ryana Seacresta na Sacha Barona Cohena na podelitvi oskarjev. Spodaj si oglejte reakcijo Merkel.


Pod velikim dežnikom, toda kaj si še delijo?

LONDON, 31. januarja - Britanci se občasno radi vprašajo, kaj jih dela Britance. Prav tako pogosto se zdi, da sklepajo, da če morate vprašati, v resnici ne morete vedeti.

Je britanstvo le slivovo obarvan potni list ali je kaj drugega? Gre za kriket in toplo pivo, Buckinghamsko palačo, strpnost in skromnost ter čudne Morrisove plesalce? Ali pa bi bilo treba nacionalno podobo spremeniti tako, da bo vključeval pijance, najstniške tolpe in nogometne huligane-nosilce standardov temnejše postindustrijske Britanije?

Ali je britanskost v teh dneh bolj osredotočena na mestni pesek in ljudje iz nekdanjega imperija niso prepričani, da so dobrodošli v deželi, ki še vedno pipa po strpnosti? In kdo bi resnično lahko vzbudil sodobno Britanijo, ne da bi omenil manijo maloprodaje, ki ohranja celotno gospodarstvo na plaži? Če bi Napoleon Bonaparte nekoč omalovaževal Angleže kot narod trgovcev, kakšno zaničevanje bi lahko zdaj nakopal na ta narod kupcev?

Nazadnje je Gordon Brown, (škotsko rojen) kancler državne blagajne in dedič predsednika vlade Tonyja Blaira, na novo postavil vprašanje, ko je v javnosti razkril, da bi Britanci morda dobro posnemali Američane-pri čemer so si vzeli dan za proslavljajo na primer svojo britanskost in so nekoliko bolj ponosni na svojo zastavo. (Kot primer je navedel četrti julij-čeprav je tako kot mnoge postkolonialne obletnice po vsem svetu več časa za slovo od Britancev kot za sprejem tega.)

Bolj mračno je bilo, da so smrtonosni napadi v Londonu julija lani, ki so jih izvedli muslimani, rojeni v Veliki Britaniji, narod postavili pred ostro vprašanje identitete: če naj bi ta multikulturna družba po desetletjih priseljevanja s Karibov, v Afriko in Azijo sprejela vse svoje različne niti in nazadnje vzhodna Evropa, katere skupne vrednote bi morale vezati novo Britanijo, ki presega vero, raso ali izvor?

Del odziva je bil v novih pravilih novembra lani, ki od potencialnih državljanov zahtevajo, da opravijo uradni pregled na podlagi 146-stranskega začetnika, imenovanega & quotLife v Združenem kraljestvu. & Quot; Zvezek, ki ga je izdala ministrstvo za notranje zadeve, prikazuje zgodovino Velike Britanije in#x27 vse od rimskega osvajanja naprej in se dotaknil nekaterih vedenjskih značilnosti, ki so prikazane kot izdaja bistvene Britanosti.

& quotČe po naključju razlijete pijačo tujca, je dobro (in preudarno) ponuditi nakup drugega, & quot; oddelek z naslovom Pubs svetuje.

Že dolgo pred julijskimi bombnimi napadi pa se je vprašanje britanskosti filtriralo skozi prizmo tako imenovanega prenosa - ustanovitev ločenih parlamentov in drugih političnih struktur v Walesu na Škotskem in z večjimi težavami na Severnem Irskem.

Kot je poudarila ta vaja, je britanskost na Škotskem in v Walesu na drugem mestu med škotskimi in valižanskimi, medtem ko se v sami Angliji britanskost zmede z angleščino-ožjo in enako izmuzljivo definicijo, ki se včasih zdi, da so jo ugrabili desničarji, -skrajneži priseljenci.

Skupno vsem tem premislekom so spremembe, ki so ponovno oblikovale britanski profil. Nekoč, v iskanju idiličnega izraza britanskosti, se je John Major, nekdanji konservativni premier, osredotočil na kriketne podobe "dolgih senc na okrajih, toplega piva in nepremagljivih zelenih predmestij."

To je Velika Britanija, katere izginotje je bilo že objokovano v verzu nekdanjega pesniškega nagrajenca Johna Betjemana, ki je umrl leta 1986: zdi se, da je nostalgija po bistvu britanstva premična pogostitev, ki se z ljubeznijo ozira na obdobje slabe hrane , ravnodušni trgovci in ošabni aristokrati, ki so se kljub temu zdeli nekako boljši.

Dvajset let po Betjemanovi smrti se nista spremenila le pokrajina in mestne pokrajine. Med letoma 1991 in 2001, ko se je britansko prebivalstvo povečalo za 2,2 milijona, na 58 milijonov, več kot polovico povečanja predstavljajo ljudje, rojeni v drugih državah, je pokazala nedavna raziskava v The Guardianu.

Britanskost, ki diši po monarhiji, cerkvi, kremnih čajih in vljudno stoji v vrsti, mora zdaj deliti prostor z britanskostjo, izraženo v literaturi Monice Ali in Zadie Smith. Če je nekoč Britanstvo pomenilo rezervo, to zdaj pomeni konec spoštovanja (celo časovna čakalna vrsta je ogrožena v mestni džungli). In če je nekoč britanskost nakazovala na določeno neskladje glede javnih izkazov bogastva, bo nova britanskost-vsaj od dobe Margaret Thatcher-trobila svoj uspeh skozi več izpušnih cevi poznih modelov (v nemški lasti) Bentleyja in (v lasti Američanov) ) Avtomobili Aston Martin.

Obstaja pa bolj subtilna vez med angleščino in britanskostjo. Oba nista sinonima, čeprav lahko oba zahtevata nekatere vrednosti. Razmislite na primer o sonetu Ruperta Brookea in#x27s prve svetovne vojne, "Vojak", ki razmišlja: "Če bi moral umreti, pomisli samo na mene/ Da obstaja#kotiček tujega polja, ki je za vedno Anglija."

Podcenjena hrabrost je verjetno skupna britanski in angleški samopodobi. Morda pa se je privzeto rdeča in bela zastava sv. Jurija, pa tudi rdeča, bela in modra Union Jack, zavzela za bolj grob jingoizem, ki meji na rasizem trde desnice in nasilje nogometni huligani. In če lahko britanskost opredelimo s svojimi antonimi, potem to zagotovo ni francoščina ali nemštvo. ("Kakor koli že delate, ne omenjajte vojne", pravi Basil Fawlty, ki ga je v komični oddaji "Fawlty Towers" igral John Cleese.) Toda v svojem srcu imajo mnogi Britanci raje cerkveno opredelitev druge svetovne vojne kot svojo "najfinejšo uro". & quot)

Britanskost seveda nikoli ni tako demonstrativna kot takrat, ko so njene ikone ogrožene. Prejšnji teden je BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, ne angleško, škotsko ali valižansko!) Napovedal načrte, da opusti mešanico britanskih pesmi, imenovano & quot; UK britanska tema & quot;, ki se predvaja ob 5.30 - komaj čas za surovi patriotizem, vsaj v mirnem času.

V odgovor se je v obrambo pesmi povzpel zbor glasov, vključno z zvokom kanclerja Browna. Osebno je gospod Brown dejal: & quot; Vedno sem videl 'U.K. Tema ' kot eden od simbolov britanstva in praznovanja britanske kulture. & Quot

Morda je pozabil, da je eden od pramenov britanskosti-vsaj tako zaznavajo zunanji ljudje-v umetnosti vrhunskega odrivanja, ki ga običajno izvajajo tipi zgornje skorje in ponazarja David Cameron, staroetonski voditelj opozicijskih konservativcev.

Kot odgovor na poziv gospoda Browna k bolj demonstrativnemu domoljubju v ameriškem slogu se je gospod Cameron prejšnji teden odločil pohvaliti britansko zadržanost.

& quotTa sramežljivost, ta rezerva, je vedno mislim, da je bistveni del tega, da sem Britanec, & quot; je rekel. & quotPodcenjeni smo. Na travniku ne postavljamo zastav. & Quot


Pod velikim dežnikom, toda kaj si še delijo?

LONDON, 31. januarja - Britanci se občasno radi vprašajo, kaj jih dela Britance. Prav tako pogosto se zdi, da sklepajo, da če morate vprašati, v resnici ne morete vedeti.

Je britanstvo le slivovo obarvan potni list ali je kaj drugega? Gre za kriket in toplo pivo, Buckinghamsko palačo, strpnost in skromnost ter čudne Morrisove plesalce? Ali pa bi bilo treba nacionalno podobo spremeniti tako, da bo vključeval pijance, najstniške tolpe in nogometne huligane-nosilce standardov temnejše postindustrijske Britanije?

Ali je britanskost v teh dneh bolj osredotočena na mestno jedro in ljudje iz nekdanjega imperija niso prepričani, da so dobrodošli v deželi, ki še vedno pipa po strpnosti? In kdo bi resnično lahko vzbudil sodobno Britanijo, ne da bi omenil manijo maloprodaje, ki ohranja celotno gospodarstvo na plaži? Če bi Napoleon Bonaparte nekoč omalovaževal Angleže kot narod trgovcev, kakšno zaničevanje bi lahko zdaj nakopal na ta narod kupcev?

Nazadnje je Gordon Brown, (škotsko rojen) kancler državne blagajne in dedič predsednika vlade Tonyja Blaira, na novo postavil vprašanje, ko je v javnosti razkril, da bi Britanci morda dobro posnemali Američane-pri čemer so si vzeli dan za proslavljajo na primer svojo britanskost in so nekoliko bolj ponosni na svojo zastavo. (Kot primer je navedel četrti julij-čeprav je, tako kot mnoge postkolonialne obletnice po vsem svetu, to več časa za slovo od britanstva kot za njegovo objavo.)

Bolj mračno je bilo, da so smrtonosni napadi v Londonu julija lani, ki so jih izvedli muslimani, rojeni v Veliki Britaniji, narod postavili pred ostro vprašanje identitete: če naj bi ta multikulturna družba po desetletjih priseljevanja s Karibov, v Afriko in Azijo sprejela vse svoje različne niti in nazadnje vzhodna Evropa, katere skupne vrednote bi morale vezati novo Britanijo, ki presega vero, raso ali izvor?

Del odziva je bil v novih pravilih novembra lani, ki od potencialnih državljanov zahtevajo, da opravijo uradni pregled na podlagi 146-stranskega začetnika, imenovanega & quotLife v Združenem kraljestvu. & Quot; Zvezek, ki ga je izdala ministrstvo za notranje zadeve, prikazuje zgodovino Velike Britanije in#x27 vse od rimskega osvajanja naprej in se dotaknil nekaterih vedenjskih značilnosti, ki so prikazane kot izdaja bistvene Britanosti.

& quotČe slučajno tujca razlijete pijačo, je dobro (in preudarno) ponuditi nakup drugega, & quot; svetuje razdelek z naslovom Pubs.

Veliko pred julijskimi bombnimi napadi pa se je vprašanje britanskosti filtriralo skozi prizmo tako imenovanega prenosa - ustanovitev ločenih parlamentov in drugih političnih struktur v Walesu na Škotskem in z večjimi težavami na Severnem Irskem.

Kot je poudarila ta vaja, je britanskost na Škotskem in v Walesu na drugem mestu med škotskimi in valižanskimi, medtem ko se v sami Angliji britanskost zmede z angleščino-ožjo in enako izmuzljivo definicijo, ki se včasih zdi, da so jo ugrabili desničarji, -skrajneži priseljenci.

Skupno vsem tem premislekom so spremembe, ki so ponovno oblikovale britanski profil. Nekoč, v iskanju idiličnega izraza britanskosti, se je John Major, nekdanji konservativni premier, osredotočil na kriketne podobe "dolgih senc na okrajih, toplega piva in nepremagljivih zelenih predmestij."

To je Velika Britanija, katere izginotje je bilo že objokovano v verzu nekdanjega pesniškega nagrajenca Johna Betjemana, ki je umrl leta 1986: zdi se, da je nostalgija po bistvu britanstva premična pogostitev, ki se z ljubeznijo ozira na obdobje slabe hrane , ravnodušni trgovci in ošabni aristokrati, ki so se kljub temu zdeli nekako boljši.

Dvajset let po Betjemanovi smrti se nista spremenila le pokrajina in mestne pokrajine. Med letoma 1991 in 2001, ko se je britansko prebivalstvo povečalo za 2,2 milijona, na 58 milijonov, več kot polovico povečanja predstavljajo ljudje, rojeni v drugih državah, je pokazala nedavna raziskava v The Guardianu.

Britanskost, ki diši po monarhiji, cerkvi, kremnih čajih in vljudno stoji v vrsti, mora zdaj deliti prostor z britanskostjo, izraženo v literaturi Monice Ali in Zadie Smith. Če je nekoč Britanstvo pomenilo rezervo, to zdaj pomeni konec spoštovanja (celo časovna čakalna vrsta je ogrožena v mestni džungli). In če je nekoč britanskost nakazovala na določeno neskladje glede javnih izkazov bogastva, bo nova britanskost-vsaj od dobe Margaret Thatcher-trobila svoj uspeh skozi več izpušnih cevi poznih modelov (v nemški lasti) Bentleyja in (v lasti Američanov) ) Avtomobili Aston Martin.

Obstaja pa bolj subtilna vez med angleščino in britanskostjo. Oba nista sinonima, čeprav lahko oba zahtevata nekatere vrednosti. Pomislite na primer na sonet Ruperta Brookea in#x27s iz prve svetovne vojne & quot; Soldier & quot;

Podcenjena hrabrost je verjetno skupna britanski in angleški samopodobi. Morda pa se je privzeto rdeča in bela zastava sv. Jurija, pa tudi rdeča, bela in modra Union Jack, zavzela za bolj grob jingoizem, ki meji na rasizem trde desnice in nasilje nogometni huligani. In če lahko britanskost opredelimo s svojimi antonimi, potem to zagotovo ni francoščina ali nemštvo. ("Kakor koli že počnete, ne omenjajte vojne", pravi Basil Fawlty, ki ga je v komični oddaji "Fawlty Towers" igral John Cleese.) Toda v svojem srcu imajo mnogi Britanci raje cerkveno opredelitev druge svetovne vojne kot svojo "najfinejšo uro". & quot)

Britanskost seveda nikoli ni tako demonstrativna kot takrat, ko so njene ikone ogrožene. Prejšnji teden je BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, ne angleško, škotsko ali valižansko!) Napovedal načrte, da opusti mešanico britanskih pesmi, imenovano & quot; UK britanska tema & quot;, ki se predvaja ob 5.30 - komaj čas za surovi patriotizem, vsaj v mirnem času.

V odgovor se je v obrambo pesmi povzpel zbor glasov, vključno z zvokom kanclerja Browna. Osebno je gospod Brown dejal: & quot; Vedno sem videl 'U.K. Tema ' kot eden od simbolov britanstva in praznovanja britanske kulture. & Quot

Morda je pozabil, da je en del britanstva-tako ga zaznavajo vsaj zunanji ljudje-v umetnosti vrhunskega odrivanja, ki ga običajno izvajajo tipi zgornje skorje in ponazarja David Cameron, staroetonski voditelj opozicijskih konservativcev.

Kot odgovor na poziv gospoda Browna k bolj demonstrativnemu domoljubju v ameriškem slogu se je gospod Cameron prejšnji teden odločil pohvaliti britansko zadržanost.

& quotTa sramežljivost, ta rezerva, je vedno mislim, da je bistveni del tega, da sem Britanec, & quot; je rekel. & quotPodcenjeni smo. Na travniku ne postavljamo zastav. & Quot


Pod velikim dežnikom, toda kaj si še delijo?

LONDON, 31. januarja - Britanci se občasno radi vprašajo, kaj jih dela Britance. Prav tako pogosto se zdi, da sklepajo, da če morate vprašati, v resnici ne morete vedeti.

Je britanskost le slivov potni list ali je kaj drugega? Gre za kriket in toplo pivo, Buckinghamsko palačo, strpnost in skromnost ter čudne Morrisove plesalce? Ali pa bi bilo treba nacionalno podobo spremeniti tako, da bo vključeval pijance, najstniške tolpe in nogometne huligane-nosilce standardov temnejše postindustrijske Britanije?

Ali je britanskost v teh dneh bolj osredotočena na mestno jedro in ljudje iz nekdanjega imperija niso prepričani, da so dobrodošli v deželi, ki še vedno pipa po strpnosti? In kdo bi resnično lahko vzbudil sodobno Britanijo, ne da bi omenil manijo maloprodaje, ki ohranja celotno gospodarstvo na plaži? Če bi Napoleon Bonaparte nekoč omalovaževal Angleže kot narod trgovcev, kakšno zaničevanje bi lahko zdaj nakopal na ta narod kupcev?

Nazadnje je Gordon Brown, (škotsko rojen) kancler državne blagajne in dedič predsednika vlade Tonyja Blaira, na novo postavil vprašanje, ko je v javnosti trdil, da bi Britanci morda dobro posnemali Američane-pri čemer so si vzeli dan za proslavljajo na primer svojo britanskost in so nekoliko bolj ponosni na svojo zastavo. (Kot primer je navedel četrti julij-čeprav je tako kot mnoge postkolonialne obletnice po vsem svetu več časa za slovo od Britancev kot za sprejem tega.)

Bolj mračno je bilo, da so smrtonosni napadi v Londonu julija lani, ki so jih izvedli muslimani, rojeni v Veliki Britaniji, narod postavili pred ostro vprašanje identitete: če naj bi ta multikulturna družba po desetletjih priseljevanja s Karibov, v Afriko in Azijo sprejela vse svoje različne niti in nazadnje vzhodna Evropa, katere skupne vrednote bi morale vezati novo Britanijo, ki presega vero, raso ali izvor?

Del odziva je bil v novih pravilih novembra lani, ki od potencialnih državljanov zahtevajo, da opravijo uradni pregled na podlagi 146-stranskega začetnika, imenovanega & quotLife v Združenem kraljestvu. & Quot; Zvezek, ki ga je izdala ministrstvo za notranje zadeve, prikazuje zgodovino Velike Britanije in#x27 vse od rimskega osvajanja naprej in se dotaknil nekaterih vedenjskih značilnosti, ki so prikazane kot izdaja bistvene Britanosti.

& quotČe po naključju razlijete pijačo tujca, je dobro (in preudarno) ponuditi nakup drugega, & quot; oddelek z naslovom Pubs svetuje.

Že dolgo pred julijskimi bombnimi napadi pa se je vprašanje britanskosti filtriralo skozi prizmo tako imenovanega prenosa - ustanovitev ločenih parlamentov in drugih političnih struktur v Walesu na Škotskem in z večjimi težavami na Severnem Irskem.

Kot je poudarila ta vaja, je britanskost na Škotskem in v Walesu na drugem mestu med škotskimi in valižanskimi, medtem ko se v sami Angliji britanskost zmede z angleščino-ožjo in enako izmuzljivo definicijo, ki se včasih zdi, da so jo ugrabili desničarji, -skrajneži priseljenci.

Skupno vsem tem premislekom so spremembe, ki so ponovno oblikovale britanski profil. Nekoč, v iskanju idiličnega izraza britanskosti, se je John Major, nekdanji konservativni premier, osredotočil na kriketne podobe "dolgih senc na okrajih, toplega piva in nepremagljivih zelenih predmestij."

To je Velika Britanija, katere izginotje je bilo že objokovano v verzu nekdanjega pesniškega nagrajenca Johna Betjemana, ki je umrl leta 1986: zdi se, da je nostalgija po bistvu britanstva premična pogostitev, ki se z ljubeznijo ozira nazaj v obdobje slabe hrane , ravnodušni trgovci in ošabni aristokrati, ki so se kljub temu zdeli nekako boljši.

Dvajset let po Betjemanovi smrti se nista spremenila le pokrajina in mestne pokrajine. Med letoma 1991 in 2001, ko se je britansko prebivalstvo povečalo za 2,2 milijona, na 58 milijonov, več kot polovico povečanja predstavljajo ljudje, rojeni v drugih državah, je pokazala nedavna raziskava v The Guardianu.

Britanskost, ki diši po monarhiji, cerkvi, kremnih čajih in vljudno stoji v vrsti, mora zdaj deliti prostor z britanskostjo, izraženo v literaturi Monice Ali in Zadie Smith. Če je nekoč Britanstvo pomenilo rezervo, to zdaj pomeni konec spoštovanja (celo časovna čakalna vrsta je ogrožena v mestni džungli). In če je nekoč britanskost nakazovala določeno neskladje glede javnih razkazov bogastva, bo nova britanskost-vsaj od obdobja Margaret Thatcher-trobila svoj uspeh skozi več izpušnih cevi poznega modela (v nemški lasti) Bentleyja in (v lasti Američanov) ) Avtomobili Aston Martin.

Obstaja pa bolj subtilna vez med angleščino in britanskostjo. Oba nista sinonima, čeprav lahko oba zahtevata nekatere vrednosti. Razmislite na primer o sonetu Ruperta Brooka 's iz prve svetovne vojne, "Vojak", ki razmišlja: "Če bi moral umreti, pomisli samo na mene/ Da obstaja#kotiček tujega polja, ki je za vedno Anglija."

Podcenjena hrabrost je verjetno skupna britanski in angleški samopodobi. Morda pa se je privzeto rdeča in bela zastava sv. Jurija, pa tudi rdeča, bela in modra Union Jack, zavzela za bolj grob jingoizem, ki meji na rasizem trde desnice in nasilje nogometni huligani. In če lahko britanskost opredelimo s svojimi antonimi, potem to zagotovo ni francoščina ali nemštvo. ("Kakor koli že delate, ne omenjajte vojne", pravi Basil Fawlty, ki ga je v komični oddaji "Fawlty Towers" igral John Cleese.) Toda v svojem srcu imajo mnogi Britanci raje cerkveno opredelitev druge svetovne vojne kot svojo "najfinejšo uro". & quot)

Britanskost seveda nikoli ni tako demonstrativna kot takrat, ko so njene ikone ogrožene. Prejšnji teden je BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, ne angleško, škotsko ali valižansko!) Napovedal načrte, da opusti mešanico britanskih pesmi, imenovano & quot; UK britanska tema & quot;, ki se predvaja ob 5.30 - komaj čas za surovi patriotizem, vsaj v mirnem času.

V odgovor se je v obrambo pesmi povzpel zbor glasov, vključno z zvokom kanclerja Browna. Osebno je gospod Brown dejal: "Vedno sem videl 'U.K. Tema ' kot eden od simbolov britanstva in praznovanja britanske kulture. & Quot

Morda je pozabil, da je en del britanstva-tako ga zaznavajo vsaj zunanji ljudje-v umetnosti vrhunskega odrivanja, ki ga običajno izvajajo tipi zgornje skorje in ponazarja David Cameron, staroetonski voditelj opozicijskih konservativcev.

Kot odgovor na poziv gospoda Browna k bolj demonstrativnemu domoljubju v ameriškem slogu se je gospod Cameron prejšnji teden odločil pohvaliti britansko zadržanost.

& quotTa sramežljivost, ta rezerva, je vedno mislim, da je bistveni del tega, da sem Britanec, & quot; je rekel. & quotPodcenjeni smo. Na travniku ne postavljamo zastav. & Quot


Pod velikim dežnikom, toda kaj si še delijo?

LONDON, 31. januarja - Britanci se občasno radi vprašajo, kaj jih dela Britance. Prav tako pogosto se zdi, da sklepajo, da če morate vprašati, v resnici ne morete vedeti.

Je britanstvo le slivovo obarvan potni list ali je kaj drugega? Gre za kriket in toplo pivo, Buckinghamsko palačo, strpnost in skromnost ter čudne Morrisove plesalce? Ali pa bi bilo treba nacionalno podobo spremeniti tako, da bo vključeval pijance, najstniške tolpe in nogometne huligane-nosilce standardov temnejše postindustrijske Britanije?

Ali je britanskost v teh dneh bolj osredotočena na mestno jedro in ljudje iz nekdanjega imperija niso prepričani, da so dobrodošli v deželi, ki še vedno pipa po strpnosti? In kdo bi resnično lahko vzbudil sodobno Britanijo, ne da bi omenil manijo maloprodaje, ki ohranja celotno gospodarstvo na plaži? Če bi Napoleon Bonaparte nekoč omalovaževal Angleže kot narod trgovcev, kakšno zaničevanje bi lahko zdaj nakopal na ta narod kupcev?

Nazadnje je Gordon Brown, (škotsko rojen) kancler državne blagajne in dedič predsednika vlade Tonyja Blaira, na novo postavil vprašanje, ko je v javnosti razkril, da bi Britanci morda dobro posnemali Američane-pri čemer so si vzeli dan za proslavljajo na primer svojo britanskost in so nekoliko bolj ponosni na svojo zastavo. (Kot primer je navedel četrti julij-čeprav je tako kot mnoge postkolonialne obletnice po vsem svetu več časa za slovo od Britancev kot za sprejem tega.)

Bolj mračno je bilo, da so smrtonosni napadi v Londonu julija lani, ki so jih izvedli muslimani, rojeni v Veliki Britaniji, narod postavili pred ostro vprašanje identitete: če naj bi ta multikulturna družba po desetletjih priseljevanja s Karibov, v Afriko in Azijo sprejela vse svoje različne niti in nazadnje vzhodna Evropa, katere skupne vrednote bi morale vezati novo Britanijo, ki presega vero, raso ali izvor?

Del odziva je bil v novih pravilih novembra lani, ki od potencialnih državljanov zahtevajo, da opravijo uradni pregled na podlagi 146-stranskega začetnika, imenovanega & quotLife v Združenem kraljestvu. & Quot; Zvezek, ki ga je izdala ministrstvo za notranje zadeve, prikazuje zgodovino Velike Britanije in#x27 vse od rimskega osvajanja naprej in se dotaknil nekaterih vedenjskih značilnosti, ki so prikazane kot izdaja bistvene Britanosti.

& quotČe slučajno tujca razlijete pijačo, je dobro (in preudarno) ponuditi nakup drugega, & quot; svetuje razdelek z naslovom Pubs.

Že dolgo pred julijskimi bombnimi napadi pa se je vprašanje britanskosti filtriralo skozi prizmo tako imenovanega prenosa - ustanovitev ločenih parlamentov in drugih političnih struktur v Walesu na Škotskem in z večjimi težavami na Severnem Irskem.

Kot je poudarila ta vaja, je britanskost na Škotskem in v Walesu na drugem mestu med škotskimi in valižanskimi, medtem ko se v sami Angliji britanskost zmede z angleščino-ožjo in enako izmuzljivo definicijo, ki se včasih zdi, da so jo ugrabili desničarji, -priseljenski skrajneži.

Skupno vsem tem premislekom so spremembe, ki so ponovno oblikovale britanski profil. Nekoč, v iskanju idiličnega izraza britanskosti, se je John Major, nekdanji konservativni premier, osredotočil na kriketne podobe "dolgih senc na okrajih, toplega piva in nepremagljivih zelenih predmestij."

To je Velika Britanija, katere izginotje je bilo že objokovano v verzu nekdanjega pesniškega nagrajenca Johna Betjemana, ki je umrl leta 1986: zdi se, da je nostalgija po bistvu britanstva premična pogostitev, ki se z ljubeznijo ozira na obdobje slabe hrane , ravnodušni trgovci in ošabni aristokrati, ki so se kljub temu zdeli nekako boljši.

Dvajset let po Betjemanovi smrti se nista spremenila le pokrajina in mestne pokrajine. Med letoma 1991 in 2001, ko se je britansko prebivalstvo povečalo za 2,2 milijona, na 58 milijonov, več kot polovico povečanja predstavljajo ljudje, rojeni v drugih državah, je pokazala nedavna raziskava v The Guardianu.

Britanskost, ki diši po monarhiji, cerkvi, kremnih čajih in vljudno stoji v vrsti, mora zdaj deliti prostor z britanskostjo, izraženo v literaturi Monice Ali in Zadie Smith. Če je nekoč Britanstvo pomenilo rezervo, to zdaj pomeni konec spoštovanja (celo časovna čakalna vrsta je ogrožena v mestni džungli). In če je nekoč britanskost nakazovala določeno neskladje glede javnih razkazov bogastva, bo nova britanskost-vsaj od obdobja Margaret Thatcher-trobila svoj uspeh skozi več izpušnih cevi poznega modela (v nemški lasti) Bentleyja in (v lasti Američanov) ) Avtomobili Aston Martin.

Obstaja pa bolj subtilna vez med angleščino in britanskostjo. Oba nista sinonima, čeprav lahko oba zahtevata nekatere vrednosti. Razmislite na primer o sonetu Ruperta Brooka 's iz prve svetovne vojne, "Vojak", ki razmišlja: "Če bi moral umreti, pomisli samo na mene/ Da obstaja#kotiček tujega polja, ki je za vedno Anglija."

Podcenjena hrabrost je verjetno skupna britanski in angleški samopodobi. Morda pa se je privzeto rdeča in bela zastava sv. Jurija, pa tudi rdeča, bela in modra Union Jack, zavzela za bolj grob jingoizem, ki meji na rasizem trde desnice in nasilje nogometni huligani. In če lahko britanskost opredelimo s svojimi antonimi, potem to zagotovo ni francoščina ali nemštvo. ("Kakor koli že delate, ne omenjajte vojne", pravi Basil Fawlty, ki ga je v komični oddaji "Fawlty Towers" igral John Cleese.) Toda v svojem srcu imajo mnogi Britanci raje cerkveno opredelitev druge svetovne vojne kot svojo "najfinejšo uro". & quot)

Britanskost seveda nikoli ni tako demonstrativna kot takrat, ko so njene ikone ogrožene. Prejšnji teden je BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, ne angleško, škotsko ali valižansko!) Napovedal načrte, da opusti mešanico britanskih pesmi, imenovano & quot; UK britanska tema & quot;, ki se predvaja ob 5.30 - komaj čas za surovi patriotizem, vsaj v mirnem času.

V odgovor se je v obrambo pesmi povzpel zbor glasov, vključno z zvokom kanclerja Browna. Osebno je gospod Brown dejal: "Vedno sem videl 'U.K. Tema ' kot eden od simbolov britanstva in praznovanja britanske kulture. & Quot

Morda je pozabil, da je eden od pramenov britanskosti-vsaj tako zaznavajo zunanji ljudje-v umetnosti vrhunskega odrivanja, ki ga običajno izvajajo tipi zgornje skorje in ponazarja David Cameron, staroetonski voditelj opozicijskih konservativcev.

Kot odgovor na poziv gospoda Browna k bolj demonstrativnemu domoljubju v ameriškem slogu se je gospod Cameron prejšnji teden odločil pohvaliti britansko zadržanost.

& quotTa sramežljivost, ta rezerva, je vedno mislim, da je bistveni del tega, da sem Britanec, & quot; je rekel. & quotPodcenjeni smo. Na travniku ne postavljamo zastav. & Quot


Pod velikim dežnikom, toda kaj si še delijo?

LONDON, 31. januarja - Britanci se občasno radi vprašajo, kaj jih dela Britance. Prav tako pogosto se zdi, da sklepajo, da če morate vprašati, v resnici ne morete vedeti.

Je britanskost le slivov potni list ali je kaj drugega? Gre za kriket in toplo pivo, Buckinghamsko palačo, strpnost in skromnost ter čudne plesalce Morrisa? Ali pa bi bilo treba nacionalno podobo spremeniti tako, da bo vključeval pijance, najstniške tolpe in nogometne huligane-nosilce standardov temnejše postindustrijske Britanije?

Ali je britanskost v teh dneh bolj osredotočena na mestni pesek in ljudje iz nekdanjega imperija niso prepričani, da so dobrodošli v deželi, ki še vedno pipa po strpnosti? In kdo bi resnično lahko vzbudil sodobno Britanijo, ne da bi omenil manijo maloprodaje, ki ohranja celotno gospodarstvo na plaži? Če bi Napoleon Bonaparte nekoč omalovaževal Angleže kot narod trgovcev, kakšno zaničevanje bi lahko zdaj nakopal na ta narod kupcev?

Nazadnje je Gordon Brown, (škotsko rojen) kancler državne blagajne in dedič predsednika vlade Tonyja Blaira, na novo postavil vprašanje tako, da je v javnosti trdil, da bi Britanci morda dobro posnemali Američane-pri čemer so si vzeli dan za proslavljajo na primer svojo britanskost in so nekoliko bolj ponosni na svojo zastavo. (Kot primer je navedel četrti julij-čeprav je tako kot mnoge postkolonialne obletnice po vsem svetu več časa za slovo od Britancev kot za sprejem tega.)

Bolj mračno je bilo, da so smrtonosni napadi v Londonu julija lani, ki so jih izvedli muslimani, rojeni v Veliki Britaniji, narod postavili pred ostro vprašanje identitete: če naj bi ta multikulturna družba po desetletjih priseljevanja s Karibov, v Afriko in Azijo sprejela vse svoje različne niti in nazadnje vzhodna Evropa, katere skupne vrednote bi morale vezati novo Britanijo, ki presega vero, raso ali izvor?

Del odziva je bil v novih pravilih novembra lani, ki od potencialnih državljanov zahtevajo, da opravijo uradni pregled na podlagi 146-stranskega začetnika, imenovanega & quotLife v Združenem kraljestvu. & Quot; Zvezek, ki ga je izdala ministrstvo za notranje zadeve, prikazuje zgodovino Velike Britanije in#x27 vse od rimskega osvajanja naprej in se dotaknil nekaterih vedenjskih značilnosti, ki so prikazane kot izdaja bistvene Britanosti.

& quotČe slučajno tujca razlijete pijačo, je dobro (in preudarno) ponuditi nakup drugega, & quot; svetuje razdelek z naslovom Pubs.

Long before the July bombings, though, the question of Britishness had filtered through the prism of what is called devolution -- the creation of separate parliaments and other political structures in Wales, Scotland and, with greater difficulties, Northern Ireland.

As that exercise underlined, Britishness comes second to Scottishness and Welshness in Scotland and Wales, while in England itself, Britishness tends to get confused with Englishness -- a narrower and equally elusive definition that sometimes seems to have been hijacked by right-wing, anti-immigrant extremists.

Common to all these considerations are the changes that have re-contoured Britain's profile. Once, questing for an idyllic expression of Britishness, John Major, a former Conservative prime minister, dwelt on cricket-driven images of "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer and invincible green suburbs."

That is the Britain whose disappearance was already being mourned in the verse of the former poet laureate John Betjeman, who died in 1986: nostalgia for the essence of Britishness, it seems, is a movable feast, looking back fondly to an era of bad food, indifferent storekeepers and haughty aristocrats that, nevertheless, seemed somehow better.

Twenty years after Betjeman's death, it is not only the landscape and the cityscapes that have changed. Between 1991 and 2001, when Britain's population increased by 2.2 million, to 58 million, more than half the increase was made up of people born in other countries, according to a recent survey in The Guardian.

Britishness, redolent of the monarchy, the church, cream teas and standing politely in line, must now share space with Britishness expressed through the literature of Monica Ali and Zadie Smith. If Britishness once meant reserve, it now means the end of deference (even the time-honored queue is under threat in the urban jungle). And if Britishness once implied a certain diffidence about public displays of wealth, the new Britishness -- at least since the Margaret Thatcher era -- trumpets its success through the multiple tailpipes of late-model (German-owned) Bentley and (American-owned) Aston Martin automobiles.

But there is a more subtle tie between Englishness and Britishness. The two are not synonymous, though some values may be claimed by both. Consider for instance, Rupert Brooke's World War I sonnet, "The Soldier," which muses: "If I should die, think only this of me/ That there's some corner of a foreign field that is forever England."

Understated valor is probably common to the British and English self-perception. Yet, perhaps by default, the red and white flag of St. George, as much as the red, white and blue of the Union Jack, has come to stand for a cruder jingoism verging on the racism of the hard right and the violence of soccer hooligans. And if Britishness may be defined by its antonyms, then it is certainly not Frenchness or German-ness. ("Whatever you do, don't mention the war," says Basil Fawlty, played by John Cleese in the comedy show "Fawlty Towers." But, in their hearts, many Britons prefer the Churchillian definition of World War II as their "finest hour.")

Britishness, of course, is never so demonstrative as when its icons are threatened. Last week the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, not English or Scottish or Welsh!) announced plans to abandon a medley of British songs called the "U.K.Theme" that is played at 5:30 a.m. -- hardly the time for raw patriotism, in peacetime at least.

In response, a chorus of voices, including that of Chancellor Brown, rose to the song's defense. Personally, Mr. Brown said, "I've always seen the 'U.K. Theme' as one of the symbols of Britishness and a celebration of British culture."

He had, perhaps, forgotten that one strand of Britishness -- as perceived by outsiders at least -- lies in the art of the supercilious put-down, usually performed by upper-crust types and exemplified by David Cameron, the old-Etonian leader of the opposition Conservatives.

In response to Mr. Brown's call for a more demonstrative, American-style patriotism, Mr. Cameron chose last week to praise British restraint.

"This coyness, this reserve, is, I always think, an intrinsic part of being British," he said. "We are understated. We don't do flags on the front lawn."


Under a Big Umbrella, but What Else Do They Share?

LONDON, Jan. 31 - Every so often, the British like to ask themselves what it is that makes them British. And just as often, they seem to conclude that if you need to ask, you cannot really know.

Is Britishness just a plum-colored passport, or is it something else? Is it about cricket and warm beer, Buckingham Palace, tolerance and modesty and quaint Morris dancers? Or should the national image be modified to include binge-drinkers, teenage gangs and soccer hooligans -- the standard-bearers of a darker post-industrial Britain?

Is Britishness these days more about inner city grit, and people from what was once an empire unsure of their welcome in a land still groping for tolerance? And who, indeed, could evoke modern Britain without mentioning a retail mania that keeps the entire economy afloat? If Napoleon Bonaparte once belittled the English as a nation of shopkeepers, what scorn might he now heap on this nation of shoppers?

Most recently, Gordon Brown, the (Scottish-born) chancellor of the exchequer and heir apparent to Prime Minister Tony Blair, raised the question anew by musing in public that the British might do well to emulate the Americans -- setting aside a day to celebrate their Britishness, for instance, and taking a bit more pride in their flag. (He cited the Fourth of July as an example -- although, like many post-colonial anniversaries across the globe, that is a more a day for bidding farewell to Britishness than embracing it.)

More somberly, the lethal London bombings last July, carried out by British-born Muslims, confronted the nation with a stark question of identity: if this multicultural society is to embrace all its disparate strands after decades of immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, Asia and most recently Eastern Europe, what common values should bind a new Britishness transcending faith, race or origin?

Part of the response came in new rules last November requiring would-be citizens to undergo a formal examination based on a 146-page primer called "Life in the United Kingdom." The volume, published by the Home Office, sets out Britain's history from around the Roman conquest onward, touching on some behavioral characteristics depicted as betraying an essential Britishness.

"If you spill a stranger's drink by accident, it is good manners (and prudent) to offer to buy another," a section entitled Pubs advises.

Long before the July bombings, though, the question of Britishness had filtered through the prism of what is called devolution -- the creation of separate parliaments and other political structures in Wales, Scotland and, with greater difficulties, Northern Ireland.

As that exercise underlined, Britishness comes second to Scottishness and Welshness in Scotland and Wales, while in England itself, Britishness tends to get confused with Englishness -- a narrower and equally elusive definition that sometimes seems to have been hijacked by right-wing, anti-immigrant extremists.

Common to all these considerations are the changes that have re-contoured Britain's profile. Once, questing for an idyllic expression of Britishness, John Major, a former Conservative prime minister, dwelt on cricket-driven images of "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer and invincible green suburbs."

That is the Britain whose disappearance was already being mourned in the verse of the former poet laureate John Betjeman, who died in 1986: nostalgia for the essence of Britishness, it seems, is a movable feast, looking back fondly to an era of bad food, indifferent storekeepers and haughty aristocrats that, nevertheless, seemed somehow better.

Twenty years after Betjeman's death, it is not only the landscape and the cityscapes that have changed. Between 1991 and 2001, when Britain's population increased by 2.2 million, to 58 million, more than half the increase was made up of people born in other countries, according to a recent survey in The Guardian.

Britishness, redolent of the monarchy, the church, cream teas and standing politely in line, must now share space with Britishness expressed through the literature of Monica Ali and Zadie Smith. If Britishness once meant reserve, it now means the end of deference (even the time-honored queue is under threat in the urban jungle). And if Britishness once implied a certain diffidence about public displays of wealth, the new Britishness -- at least since the Margaret Thatcher era -- trumpets its success through the multiple tailpipes of late-model (German-owned) Bentley and (American-owned) Aston Martin automobiles.

But there is a more subtle tie between Englishness and Britishness. The two are not synonymous, though some values may be claimed by both. Consider for instance, Rupert Brooke's World War I sonnet, "The Soldier," which muses: "If I should die, think only this of me/ That there's some corner of a foreign field that is forever England."

Understated valor is probably common to the British and English self-perception. Yet, perhaps by default, the red and white flag of St. George, as much as the red, white and blue of the Union Jack, has come to stand for a cruder jingoism verging on the racism of the hard right and the violence of soccer hooligans. And if Britishness may be defined by its antonyms, then it is certainly not Frenchness or German-ness. ("Whatever you do, don't mention the war," says Basil Fawlty, played by John Cleese in the comedy show "Fawlty Towers." But, in their hearts, many Britons prefer the Churchillian definition of World War II as their "finest hour.")

Britishness, of course, is never so demonstrative as when its icons are threatened. Last week the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, not English or Scottish or Welsh!) announced plans to abandon a medley of British songs called the "U.K.Theme" that is played at 5:30 a.m. -- hardly the time for raw patriotism, in peacetime at least.

In response, a chorus of voices, including that of Chancellor Brown, rose to the song's defense. Personally, Mr. Brown said, "I've always seen the 'U.K. Theme' as one of the symbols of Britishness and a celebration of British culture."

He had, perhaps, forgotten that one strand of Britishness -- as perceived by outsiders at least -- lies in the art of the supercilious put-down, usually performed by upper-crust types and exemplified by David Cameron, the old-Etonian leader of the opposition Conservatives.

In response to Mr. Brown's call for a more demonstrative, American-style patriotism, Mr. Cameron chose last week to praise British restraint.

"This coyness, this reserve, is, I always think, an intrinsic part of being British," he said. "We are understated. We don't do flags on the front lawn."


Under a Big Umbrella, but What Else Do They Share?

LONDON, Jan. 31 - Every so often, the British like to ask themselves what it is that makes them British. And just as often, they seem to conclude that if you need to ask, you cannot really know.

Is Britishness just a plum-colored passport, or is it something else? Is it about cricket and warm beer, Buckingham Palace, tolerance and modesty and quaint Morris dancers? Or should the national image be modified to include binge-drinkers, teenage gangs and soccer hooligans -- the standard-bearers of a darker post-industrial Britain?

Is Britishness these days more about inner city grit, and people from what was once an empire unsure of their welcome in a land still groping for tolerance? And who, indeed, could evoke modern Britain without mentioning a retail mania that keeps the entire economy afloat? If Napoleon Bonaparte once belittled the English as a nation of shopkeepers, what scorn might he now heap on this nation of shoppers?

Most recently, Gordon Brown, the (Scottish-born) chancellor of the exchequer and heir apparent to Prime Minister Tony Blair, raised the question anew by musing in public that the British might do well to emulate the Americans -- setting aside a day to celebrate their Britishness, for instance, and taking a bit more pride in their flag. (He cited the Fourth of July as an example -- although, like many post-colonial anniversaries across the globe, that is a more a day for bidding farewell to Britishness than embracing it.)

More somberly, the lethal London bombings last July, carried out by British-born Muslims, confronted the nation with a stark question of identity: if this multicultural society is to embrace all its disparate strands after decades of immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, Asia and most recently Eastern Europe, what common values should bind a new Britishness transcending faith, race or origin?

Part of the response came in new rules last November requiring would-be citizens to undergo a formal examination based on a 146-page primer called "Life in the United Kingdom." The volume, published by the Home Office, sets out Britain's history from around the Roman conquest onward, touching on some behavioral characteristics depicted as betraying an essential Britishness.

"If you spill a stranger's drink by accident, it is good manners (and prudent) to offer to buy another," a section entitled Pubs advises.

Long before the July bombings, though, the question of Britishness had filtered through the prism of what is called devolution -- the creation of separate parliaments and other political structures in Wales, Scotland and, with greater difficulties, Northern Ireland.

As that exercise underlined, Britishness comes second to Scottishness and Welshness in Scotland and Wales, while in England itself, Britishness tends to get confused with Englishness -- a narrower and equally elusive definition that sometimes seems to have been hijacked by right-wing, anti-immigrant extremists.

Common to all these considerations are the changes that have re-contoured Britain's profile. Once, questing for an idyllic expression of Britishness, John Major, a former Conservative prime minister, dwelt on cricket-driven images of "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer and invincible green suburbs."

That is the Britain whose disappearance was already being mourned in the verse of the former poet laureate John Betjeman, who died in 1986: nostalgia for the essence of Britishness, it seems, is a movable feast, looking back fondly to an era of bad food, indifferent storekeepers and haughty aristocrats that, nevertheless, seemed somehow better.

Twenty years after Betjeman's death, it is not only the landscape and the cityscapes that have changed. Between 1991 and 2001, when Britain's population increased by 2.2 million, to 58 million, more than half the increase was made up of people born in other countries, according to a recent survey in The Guardian.

Britishness, redolent of the monarchy, the church, cream teas and standing politely in line, must now share space with Britishness expressed through the literature of Monica Ali and Zadie Smith. If Britishness once meant reserve, it now means the end of deference (even the time-honored queue is under threat in the urban jungle). And if Britishness once implied a certain diffidence about public displays of wealth, the new Britishness -- at least since the Margaret Thatcher era -- trumpets its success through the multiple tailpipes of late-model (German-owned) Bentley and (American-owned) Aston Martin automobiles.

But there is a more subtle tie between Englishness and Britishness. The two are not synonymous, though some values may be claimed by both. Consider for instance, Rupert Brooke's World War I sonnet, "The Soldier," which muses: "If I should die, think only this of me/ That there's some corner of a foreign field that is forever England."

Understated valor is probably common to the British and English self-perception. Yet, perhaps by default, the red and white flag of St. George, as much as the red, white and blue of the Union Jack, has come to stand for a cruder jingoism verging on the racism of the hard right and the violence of soccer hooligans. And if Britishness may be defined by its antonyms, then it is certainly not Frenchness or German-ness. ("Whatever you do, don't mention the war," says Basil Fawlty, played by John Cleese in the comedy show "Fawlty Towers." But, in their hearts, many Britons prefer the Churchillian definition of World War II as their "finest hour.")

Britishness, of course, is never so demonstrative as when its icons are threatened. Last week the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, not English or Scottish or Welsh!) announced plans to abandon a medley of British songs called the "U.K.Theme" that is played at 5:30 a.m. -- hardly the time for raw patriotism, in peacetime at least.

In response, a chorus of voices, including that of Chancellor Brown, rose to the song's defense. Personally, Mr. Brown said, "I've always seen the 'U.K. Theme' as one of the symbols of Britishness and a celebration of British culture."

He had, perhaps, forgotten that one strand of Britishness -- as perceived by outsiders at least -- lies in the art of the supercilious put-down, usually performed by upper-crust types and exemplified by David Cameron, the old-Etonian leader of the opposition Conservatives.

In response to Mr. Brown's call for a more demonstrative, American-style patriotism, Mr. Cameron chose last week to praise British restraint.

"This coyness, this reserve, is, I always think, an intrinsic part of being British," he said. "We are understated. We don't do flags on the front lawn."


Under a Big Umbrella, but What Else Do They Share?

LONDON, Jan. 31 - Every so often, the British like to ask themselves what it is that makes them British. And just as often, they seem to conclude that if you need to ask, you cannot really know.

Is Britishness just a plum-colored passport, or is it something else? Is it about cricket and warm beer, Buckingham Palace, tolerance and modesty and quaint Morris dancers? Or should the national image be modified to include binge-drinkers, teenage gangs and soccer hooligans -- the standard-bearers of a darker post-industrial Britain?

Is Britishness these days more about inner city grit, and people from what was once an empire unsure of their welcome in a land still groping for tolerance? And who, indeed, could evoke modern Britain without mentioning a retail mania that keeps the entire economy afloat? If Napoleon Bonaparte once belittled the English as a nation of shopkeepers, what scorn might he now heap on this nation of shoppers?

Most recently, Gordon Brown, the (Scottish-born) chancellor of the exchequer and heir apparent to Prime Minister Tony Blair, raised the question anew by musing in public that the British might do well to emulate the Americans -- setting aside a day to celebrate their Britishness, for instance, and taking a bit more pride in their flag. (He cited the Fourth of July as an example -- although, like many post-colonial anniversaries across the globe, that is a more a day for bidding farewell to Britishness than embracing it.)

More somberly, the lethal London bombings last July, carried out by British-born Muslims, confronted the nation with a stark question of identity: if this multicultural society is to embrace all its disparate strands after decades of immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, Asia and most recently Eastern Europe, what common values should bind a new Britishness transcending faith, race or origin?

Part of the response came in new rules last November requiring would-be citizens to undergo a formal examination based on a 146-page primer called "Life in the United Kingdom." The volume, published by the Home Office, sets out Britain's history from around the Roman conquest onward, touching on some behavioral characteristics depicted as betraying an essential Britishness.

"If you spill a stranger's drink by accident, it is good manners (and prudent) to offer to buy another," a section entitled Pubs advises.

Long before the July bombings, though, the question of Britishness had filtered through the prism of what is called devolution -- the creation of separate parliaments and other political structures in Wales, Scotland and, with greater difficulties, Northern Ireland.

As that exercise underlined, Britishness comes second to Scottishness and Welshness in Scotland and Wales, while in England itself, Britishness tends to get confused with Englishness -- a narrower and equally elusive definition that sometimes seems to have been hijacked by right-wing, anti-immigrant extremists.

Common to all these considerations are the changes that have re-contoured Britain's profile. Once, questing for an idyllic expression of Britishness, John Major, a former Conservative prime minister, dwelt on cricket-driven images of "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer and invincible green suburbs."

That is the Britain whose disappearance was already being mourned in the verse of the former poet laureate John Betjeman, who died in 1986: nostalgia for the essence of Britishness, it seems, is a movable feast, looking back fondly to an era of bad food, indifferent storekeepers and haughty aristocrats that, nevertheless, seemed somehow better.

Twenty years after Betjeman's death, it is not only the landscape and the cityscapes that have changed. Between 1991 and 2001, when Britain's population increased by 2.2 million, to 58 million, more than half the increase was made up of people born in other countries, according to a recent survey in The Guardian.

Britishness, redolent of the monarchy, the church, cream teas and standing politely in line, must now share space with Britishness expressed through the literature of Monica Ali and Zadie Smith. If Britishness once meant reserve, it now means the end of deference (even the time-honored queue is under threat in the urban jungle). And if Britishness once implied a certain diffidence about public displays of wealth, the new Britishness -- at least since the Margaret Thatcher era -- trumpets its success through the multiple tailpipes of late-model (German-owned) Bentley and (American-owned) Aston Martin automobiles.

But there is a more subtle tie between Englishness and Britishness. The two are not synonymous, though some values may be claimed by both. Consider for instance, Rupert Brooke's World War I sonnet, "The Soldier," which muses: "If I should die, think only this of me/ That there's some corner of a foreign field that is forever England."

Understated valor is probably common to the British and English self-perception. Yet, perhaps by default, the red and white flag of St. George, as much as the red, white and blue of the Union Jack, has come to stand for a cruder jingoism verging on the racism of the hard right and the violence of soccer hooligans. And if Britishness may be defined by its antonyms, then it is certainly not Frenchness or German-ness. ("Whatever you do, don't mention the war," says Basil Fawlty, played by John Cleese in the comedy show "Fawlty Towers." But, in their hearts, many Britons prefer the Churchillian definition of World War II as their "finest hour.")

Britishness, of course, is never so demonstrative as when its icons are threatened. Last week the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, not English or Scottish or Welsh!) announced plans to abandon a medley of British songs called the "U.K.Theme" that is played at 5:30 a.m. -- hardly the time for raw patriotism, in peacetime at least.

In response, a chorus of voices, including that of Chancellor Brown, rose to the song's defense. Personally, Mr. Brown said, "I've always seen the 'U.K. Theme' as one of the symbols of Britishness and a celebration of British culture."

He had, perhaps, forgotten that one strand of Britishness -- as perceived by outsiders at least -- lies in the art of the supercilious put-down, usually performed by upper-crust types and exemplified by David Cameron, the old-Etonian leader of the opposition Conservatives.

In response to Mr. Brown's call for a more demonstrative, American-style patriotism, Mr. Cameron chose last week to praise British restraint.

"This coyness, this reserve, is, I always think, an intrinsic part of being British," he said. "We are understated. We don't do flags on the front lawn."


Under a Big Umbrella, but What Else Do They Share?

LONDON, Jan. 31 - Every so often, the British like to ask themselves what it is that makes them British. And just as often, they seem to conclude that if you need to ask, you cannot really know.

Is Britishness just a plum-colored passport, or is it something else? Is it about cricket and warm beer, Buckingham Palace, tolerance and modesty and quaint Morris dancers? Or should the national image be modified to include binge-drinkers, teenage gangs and soccer hooligans -- the standard-bearers of a darker post-industrial Britain?

Is Britishness these days more about inner city grit, and people from what was once an empire unsure of their welcome in a land still groping for tolerance? And who, indeed, could evoke modern Britain without mentioning a retail mania that keeps the entire economy afloat? If Napoleon Bonaparte once belittled the English as a nation of shopkeepers, what scorn might he now heap on this nation of shoppers?

Most recently, Gordon Brown, the (Scottish-born) chancellor of the exchequer and heir apparent to Prime Minister Tony Blair, raised the question anew by musing in public that the British might do well to emulate the Americans -- setting aside a day to celebrate their Britishness, for instance, and taking a bit more pride in their flag. (He cited the Fourth of July as an example -- although, like many post-colonial anniversaries across the globe, that is a more a day for bidding farewell to Britishness than embracing it.)

More somberly, the lethal London bombings last July, carried out by British-born Muslims, confronted the nation with a stark question of identity: if this multicultural society is to embrace all its disparate strands after decades of immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, Asia and most recently Eastern Europe, what common values should bind a new Britishness transcending faith, race or origin?

Part of the response came in new rules last November requiring would-be citizens to undergo a formal examination based on a 146-page primer called "Life in the United Kingdom." The volume, published by the Home Office, sets out Britain's history from around the Roman conquest onward, touching on some behavioral characteristics depicted as betraying an essential Britishness.

"If you spill a stranger's drink by accident, it is good manners (and prudent) to offer to buy another," a section entitled Pubs advises.

Long before the July bombings, though, the question of Britishness had filtered through the prism of what is called devolution -- the creation of separate parliaments and other political structures in Wales, Scotland and, with greater difficulties, Northern Ireland.

As that exercise underlined, Britishness comes second to Scottishness and Welshness in Scotland and Wales, while in England itself, Britishness tends to get confused with Englishness -- a narrower and equally elusive definition that sometimes seems to have been hijacked by right-wing, anti-immigrant extremists.

Common to all these considerations are the changes that have re-contoured Britain's profile. Once, questing for an idyllic expression of Britishness, John Major, a former Conservative prime minister, dwelt on cricket-driven images of "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer and invincible green suburbs."

That is the Britain whose disappearance was already being mourned in the verse of the former poet laureate John Betjeman, who died in 1986: nostalgia for the essence of Britishness, it seems, is a movable feast, looking back fondly to an era of bad food, indifferent storekeepers and haughty aristocrats that, nevertheless, seemed somehow better.

Twenty years after Betjeman's death, it is not only the landscape and the cityscapes that have changed. Between 1991 and 2001, when Britain's population increased by 2.2 million, to 58 million, more than half the increase was made up of people born in other countries, according to a recent survey in The Guardian.

Britishness, redolent of the monarchy, the church, cream teas and standing politely in line, must now share space with Britishness expressed through the literature of Monica Ali and Zadie Smith. If Britishness once meant reserve, it now means the end of deference (even the time-honored queue is under threat in the urban jungle). And if Britishness once implied a certain diffidence about public displays of wealth, the new Britishness -- at least since the Margaret Thatcher era -- trumpets its success through the multiple tailpipes of late-model (German-owned) Bentley and (American-owned) Aston Martin automobiles.

But there is a more subtle tie between Englishness and Britishness. The two are not synonymous, though some values may be claimed by both. Consider for instance, Rupert Brooke's World War I sonnet, "The Soldier," which muses: "If I should die, think only this of me/ That there's some corner of a foreign field that is forever England."

Understated valor is probably common to the British and English self-perception. Yet, perhaps by default, the red and white flag of St. George, as much as the red, white and blue of the Union Jack, has come to stand for a cruder jingoism verging on the racism of the hard right and the violence of soccer hooligans. And if Britishness may be defined by its antonyms, then it is certainly not Frenchness or German-ness. ("Whatever you do, don't mention the war," says Basil Fawlty, played by John Cleese in the comedy show "Fawlty Towers." But, in their hearts, many Britons prefer the Churchillian definition of World War II as their "finest hour.")

Britishness, of course, is never so demonstrative as when its icons are threatened. Last week the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, not English or Scottish or Welsh!) announced plans to abandon a medley of British songs called the "U.K.Theme" that is played at 5:30 a.m. -- hardly the time for raw patriotism, in peacetime at least.

In response, a chorus of voices, including that of Chancellor Brown, rose to the song's defense. Personally, Mr. Brown said, "I've always seen the 'U.K. Theme' as one of the symbols of Britishness and a celebration of British culture."

He had, perhaps, forgotten that one strand of Britishness -- as perceived by outsiders at least -- lies in the art of the supercilious put-down, usually performed by upper-crust types and exemplified by David Cameron, the old-Etonian leader of the opposition Conservatives.

In response to Mr. Brown's call for a more demonstrative, American-style patriotism, Mr. Cameron chose last week to praise British restraint.

"This coyness, this reserve, is, I always think, an intrinsic part of being British," he said. "We are understated. We don't do flags on the front lawn."


Under a Big Umbrella, but What Else Do They Share?

LONDON, Jan. 31 - Every so often, the British like to ask themselves what it is that makes them British. And just as often, they seem to conclude that if you need to ask, you cannot really know.

Is Britishness just a plum-colored passport, or is it something else? Is it about cricket and warm beer, Buckingham Palace, tolerance and modesty and quaint Morris dancers? Or should the national image be modified to include binge-drinkers, teenage gangs and soccer hooligans -- the standard-bearers of a darker post-industrial Britain?

Is Britishness these days more about inner city grit, and people from what was once an empire unsure of their welcome in a land still groping for tolerance? And who, indeed, could evoke modern Britain without mentioning a retail mania that keeps the entire economy afloat? If Napoleon Bonaparte once belittled the English as a nation of shopkeepers, what scorn might he now heap on this nation of shoppers?

Most recently, Gordon Brown, the (Scottish-born) chancellor of the exchequer and heir apparent to Prime Minister Tony Blair, raised the question anew by musing in public that the British might do well to emulate the Americans -- setting aside a day to celebrate their Britishness, for instance, and taking a bit more pride in their flag. (He cited the Fourth of July as an example -- although, like many post-colonial anniversaries across the globe, that is a more a day for bidding farewell to Britishness than embracing it.)

More somberly, the lethal London bombings last July, carried out by British-born Muslims, confronted the nation with a stark question of identity: if this multicultural society is to embrace all its disparate strands after decades of immigration from the Caribbean, Africa, Asia and most recently Eastern Europe, what common values should bind a new Britishness transcending faith, race or origin?

Part of the response came in new rules last November requiring would-be citizens to undergo a formal examination based on a 146-page primer called "Life in the United Kingdom." The volume, published by the Home Office, sets out Britain's history from around the Roman conquest onward, touching on some behavioral characteristics depicted as betraying an essential Britishness.

"If you spill a stranger's drink by accident, it is good manners (and prudent) to offer to buy another," a section entitled Pubs advises.

Long before the July bombings, though, the question of Britishness had filtered through the prism of what is called devolution -- the creation of separate parliaments and other political structures in Wales, Scotland and, with greater difficulties, Northern Ireland.

As that exercise underlined, Britishness comes second to Scottishness and Welshness in Scotland and Wales, while in England itself, Britishness tends to get confused with Englishness -- a narrower and equally elusive definition that sometimes seems to have been hijacked by right-wing, anti-immigrant extremists.

Common to all these considerations are the changes that have re-contoured Britain's profile. Once, questing for an idyllic expression of Britishness, John Major, a former Conservative prime minister, dwelt on cricket-driven images of "long shadows on county grounds, warm beer and invincible green suburbs."

That is the Britain whose disappearance was already being mourned in the verse of the former poet laureate John Betjeman, who died in 1986: nostalgia for the essence of Britishness, it seems, is a movable feast, looking back fondly to an era of bad food, indifferent storekeepers and haughty aristocrats that, nevertheless, seemed somehow better.

Twenty years after Betjeman's death, it is not only the landscape and the cityscapes that have changed. Between 1991 and 2001, when Britain's population increased by 2.2 million, to 58 million, more than half the increase was made up of people born in other countries, according to a recent survey in The Guardian.

Britishness, redolent of the monarchy, the church, cream teas and standing politely in line, must now share space with Britishness expressed through the literature of Monica Ali and Zadie Smith. If Britishness once meant reserve, it now means the end of deference (even the time-honored queue is under threat in the urban jungle). And if Britishness once implied a certain diffidence about public displays of wealth, the new Britishness -- at least since the Margaret Thatcher era -- trumpets its success through the multiple tailpipes of late-model (German-owned) Bentley and (American-owned) Aston Martin automobiles.

But there is a more subtle tie between Englishness and Britishness. The two are not synonymous, though some values may be claimed by both. Consider for instance, Rupert Brooke's World War I sonnet, "The Soldier," which muses: "If I should die, think only this of me/ That there's some corner of a foreign field that is forever England."

Understated valor is probably common to the British and English self-perception. Yet, perhaps by default, the red and white flag of St. George, as much as the red, white and blue of the Union Jack, has come to stand for a cruder jingoism verging on the racism of the hard right and the violence of soccer hooligans. And if Britishness may be defined by its antonyms, then it is certainly not Frenchness or German-ness. ("Whatever you do, don't mention the war," says Basil Fawlty, played by John Cleese in the comedy show "Fawlty Towers." But, in their hearts, many Britons prefer the Churchillian definition of World War II as their "finest hour.")

Britishness, of course, is never so demonstrative as when its icons are threatened. Last week the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation, not English or Scottish or Welsh!) announced plans to abandon a medley of British songs called the "U.K.Theme" that is played at 5:30 a.m. -- hardly the time for raw patriotism, in peacetime at least.

In response, a chorus of voices, including that of Chancellor Brown, rose to the song's defense. Personally, Mr. Brown said, "I've always seen the 'U.K. Theme' as one of the symbols of Britishness and a celebration of British culture."

He had, perhaps, forgotten that one strand of Britishness -- as perceived by outsiders at least -- lies in the art of the supercilious put-down, usually performed by upper-crust types and exemplified by David Cameron, the old-Etonian leader of the opposition Conservatives.

In response to Mr. Brown's call for a more demonstrative, American-style patriotism, Mr. Cameron chose last week to praise British restraint.

"This coyness, this reserve, is, I always think, an intrinsic part of being British," he said. "We are understated. We don't do flags on the front lawn."



Komentarji:

  1. Donkor

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  5. Moswen

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